Four states legalized recreational marijuana in the 2016 election, following in the footsteps of Colorado, Washington, Oregon, Alaska and Washington, D.C. But in the year since, only Nevada made retail pot sales a reality. While California and Massachusetts are moving forward to enact permanent legislation and issue licenses for pot establishments, the future of weed in Maine, the fourth state where residents voted in favor of legalization, is at a standstill after a veto by the Republican governor.
Momentum for federal cannabis reform may be slowing down under the current presidential administration, but the industry has never had more lobbyists in Washington, D.C., than it does now. And few have been lobbying longer than the National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws, which visited Capitol Hill last week to advocate for a number of pot-friendly bills and amendments.
Prosecutor George Brauchler, who’s running for Colorado governor in 2018, is using Shawn Geerdes’s conviction for murdering Jason Dosa nearly three years ago as an opportunity to criticize legal pot even though the marijuana grow in which the two partnered was illegal.
On Thursday, July 13, cannabis professionals ascended on Denver’s Cultivated Synergy for a quarterly meeting held by the National Cannabis Industry Association. But this wasn’t any ordinary meeting; it was a caucus – a cannabis caucus.
Members of the Justice Department’s Task Force on Crime Reduction and Public Safety have been ordered to “undertake a review of existing policies” regarding federal marijuana law enforcement, among other things. Their report is due on or before July 27, and the National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws believes the document may use as its template a list by a fellow at the ultra-conservative Heritage Foundation of eleven ways the administration of President Donald Trump can shut down legal cannabis.
The tactics, shared below, include employing the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (RICO), as was just allowed via a ruling in a potentially groundbreaking marijuana-smell lawsuit in Colorado earlier this month.
Debbie Moak, director of the Arizona Governor’s Office of Youth, Faith and Family, worked closely with the group that helped defeat Proposition 205 in November.
That much is not in dispute. But did Moak use the resources of her office — including her work time — improperly to campaign against the marijuana-legalization measure?
Moak denies it, but e-mails New Times obtained from the governor’s office under Arizona’s public-records law show that to some extent she did.
Marijuana legalization has apparently failed in Arizona, with uncounted votes unlikely to turn the defeat into victory as they did with the state’s medical-marijuana measure in 2010.
As evidence mounts that the gulf between the “no” and “yes” votes on Prop 205 is too vast for the measure to catch up, cannabis supporters are left with one burning question: How could this happen in Arizona, when voters in California and as many as five other states approved the legalization of recreational or medical marijuana?
Marijuana enthusiasts could have plenty to worry about during a Donald Trump presidency. Aside from being a racist, Trump’s attorney general, Senator Jeff Sessions of Alabama, has made disparaging remarks about marijuana, even insisting that he thought the KKK “were okay until I found out they smoked pot.” In other words, the country’s top attorney thinks marijuana is more evil than the KKK. And before you celebrate Denver’s recent decision to expand the places in which people can toke, consider that it might be a hard initiative to implement. Keep reading for more on Sessions, the Yes on 300 Campaign, and how some marijuana advocates are fighting back against a potentially threatening administration.
Hold on to your bongs, ladies and gentlemen; the next four years will be quite the trip. Here are seven stories that show why:
Now that the count is finally completed and Denver voters have approved the social use of marijuana, here’s the question everyone’s asking: What happens next?
The ordinance does not include a timeline that requires the city to start licensing businesses right away. Instead, Denver has a sixty-day window to create the application that a business will use to apply for a social-use permit, according to Dan Rowland, citywide communications advisor for the City and County of Denver. City officials will start drafting that application on Tuesday, November 22.